Yesterday, the finance minister, Rachel Reeves, delivered a Labour Party economic plan. People have been asking for Labour’s mission and principles to be more distinctly expressed. By way of the decisions made – a shift to a more equitable tax system, focusing on wealth to fund addressing child poverty, quality public services and the living expenses – we have clearly demonstrated what we believe in.
That’s why Labour MPs applauded in the Commons, and it’s why we are ready for the fights to come. And it’s why the cries from the conservative side began right away.
The central division in British politics is once again on the economy. On the one hand Labour, who want to change it so it benefits ordinary working people, and on the opposite side, our opponents, who favor the current system and the unsuccessful doctrine of the past. We must now take on, and prevail in, the debate.
The Tories had 14 years to resolve things and instead, by every standard, they got much worse. Their doctrinaire austerity and supply-side economics – tax breaks for the wealthy, cutting off investment (leaving us with poor productivity and wages), and failing to support young people after the pandemic – proved ineffective.
Quality of life dropped by the largest margin since records began, child poverty hit record levels, NHS waiting lists in England were the highest on record, wages were stagnant, a housing crisis became entrenched, young people affected by Covid were abandoned. The history of failure continues.
One budget alone can’t put all this right, so Labour has a comprehensive plan for renewal and for rewiring the country. And we have to go out and keep making the argument for why our approach will yield benefits.
Under the Tories, welfare spending rose substantially. As did child poverty, because they didn’t address the root causes: low pay, high housing costs, significant inequalities in education, health and regions. The state is forced to paying more to manage the symptoms instead of the solution.
It’s why we are building more affordable homes than for a generation, increasing wages and new rights for workers, massively boosting investment in infrastructure and new industries, reducing waiting lists down and bringing down the costs of childcare and energy as we drive for clean power.
It’s also why we are absolutely right to use this budget to lift the two-child benefit cap.
For almost a decade, since it was introduced, poorer families with children have endured from a cruel social experiment that was marketed as fair for working people when it was the opposite. Most of the families affected by it have a parent in work.
It’s done nothing but push 300,000 more children into poverty – which, ultimately, costs us more, as well as being callous and unethical.
I know from my own district – where over 5,000 children will be raised out of poverty as a result of ending the cap – the real impact it’s had. Children wearing £1 wellies as school shoes, children going to bed hungry and cold, living in overcrowded, damp homes, parents during the holidays relying on food banks for a modest meal or small gift for their kids.
I also see the impact on schools, teachers, social workers, doctors and charities who are already stretched but have to divert time and resources to supporting children who are living with the consequences of deep poverty.
Just one in four pupils from the most disadvantaged families achieve five good GCSEs, compared with nearly three in four among wealthier families. This predisposes them for the disadvantages they face throughout their lives: unrealized potential, financial struggles and poor health. Children who grew up in poverty are more likely to be unemployed or poor as adults.
Confronting child poverty isn’t just a moral imperative, it is a future-oriented strategy. Poverty costs the economy far, far more than the £3bn cost of lifting the two-child cap, or extending free school meals.
This is the reason we acted promptly in the budget, despite the challenging economic context. Every day with this cap in place sees over a hundred additional children pushed into poverty. The effects of lifting it won’t happen overnight either, so acting early in the parliament was vital.
The cap was a totem to 14 years of failed rightwing ideology. Now it is abolished.
We, as Labour, can also be explicit that these initiatives are being paid for in a just way – from a new gaming tax, closing tax loopholes and a new “mansion tax”.
Equity and direction – that’s how we will win the contest of ideas. This budget is a clear statement that we gained the election as Labour, and will lead as Labour. As I consistently said during my campaign to become deputy leader, we must seize back the political platform and define the narrative more forcefully about what’s truly flawed with the country and how we are repairing it. We’ve definitely done that this week.
So let’s maintain it and prevail in this fight about how we will rebuild Britain and address the entrenched inequalities holding us back.
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